Natan Sharansky: Is Rouhani the New Gorbachev? (Wall Street Journal,17.11.2013)

Mark Dubowitz (Foundation for Defense of Democracies): Hassan Rouhani's 100 Days (November 2013)

Steven Ditto (The Washington Institute): Rouhani's Negotiating Strategy: Divide and Isolate (9.10.2013)

Stephan Grigat im Gespräch mit Mojtaba Shamsrizi: "Rouhani is the friendly face of terror" (23.8.2013)

Stephan Grigat, Die Zeit: Das freundliche Gesicht des Terrors (3.8.2013)

Matthias Küntzel: Hassan Rohani, Ein Mann mit guten Beziehungen nach Berlin (17.6.2013)

Dies ist eine Auswahl von Aussagen Hassan Rohanis über sein Politikverständnis, das Verhältnis des islamisches Regimes zum Westen, zu Menschenrechten, zum Charakter der islamischen Revolution und zum Nuklearprogramm. Zusammengestellt (wo nicht anders gekennzeichnet) nach: „Reading Rouhani“ von Steve Ditto (Policy Focus 129, Washington Institute for Near East Policy). 

Rohani über Taqiyya  (religiös motivierte Verstellung/Täuschung) als Taktik, 2012:
"Taqiyya  is the shield of the believer … it is moving and fighting behind a protective mask, and means minimizing your loss, and imposing the highest cost on the enemy.“

Rohani in seinem Buch über Diplomatie, 2009:
"Diplomacy is the art of understanding a region…estimating its strength and position, and finding opportunities critical to exploit."

Rohani über seine Atomverhandlungen in Teheran mit der EU, 2003:
"While we were talking with the Europeans in Tehran, we were installing equipment in Isfahan, and much work remained to complete the project. In fact, by creating a relaxed atmosphere we were able to complete the work in Isfahan. All praises be to God (alhamdulillah), today Isfahan is completed, and we can convert yellowcake into UF4 and UF6 [uranium hexafluoride], and this is a very important matter."

Rohani verteidigt seine taktischen Zugeständnisse in den Atomverhandlungen in seinen Memoiren, 2011:
"To those who have questions in their minds about the reasons for accepting the temporary, voluntary suspension of some of the nuclear activities in this period…the accomplishments included the completion of the Isfahan uranium conversion facility; the assembly and construction of centrifuges; the Arak heavy-water reactor; continued activity for building a 40-megawatt reactor; the completion of the Natanz underground facility; the production of yellowcake; and the building of the P2 centrifuge."

Rohani zum Erfolg nuklearer Waffen im Zweiten Weltkrieg, 2001:
"In today’s world, one of the key elements of power—whether political, economic, military, or cultural power—is the possession of technology, especially advanced technology. The thing that accelerated the end of World War II was nuclear fission—not conventional military power, and not the politicians. So, today power lies in manufacturing technology."

Rohani auf radio Free Europe zur Kernenergie und Irans System, 2003:
"Nuclear power will reinforce the authority of Iran’s system."

Rohani über den Export der islamischen Revolution mit Waffengewalt, 1980:
"The principle on which I end my talk is the question of exporting the Revolution beyond our borders. If the Revolution remains within the country it will be destroyed.… We must export our revolution to Iraq, to Kuwait, to Afghanistan and to all Muslim countries and to all the oppressed countries. ... If necessary we should do so by means of arms. What is wrong if we give weapons to our dear brothers fighting in Iraq? It is our religious duty to assist them  It is not important how the Westernized people judge us. What is wrong if we go to our brothers in Iraq, if we go side by side with our brothers in Saudi Arabia, in Afghanistan?… Why shouldn’t we go to our Palestinian brothers? Who can stop us? What will happen if, for instance, we go and attack Israel from Lebanon? Would it not be the case that we will be the cause of pride for history and for Islam? Jihad recognizes no boundaries…in the same way that Satan and Satanical people recognize no boundaries.… We must export the Revolution."

Rohani über den Imam Khomeni und seine Haltung zu seinem Nachfolger als Revulutionsführer, Ali Khamenei, und damit seine Treue zur islamistischen Revolution, 1995.
"... Is it possible for the Imam to die? The Imam has an eternal life, and this life casts its light over a bigger area with each passing day. The eminent leader of the Revolution, his eminence Ayatullah Khamenei, may his shadow extend, is the leader of the world of Islam today. This has nothing to do with whether we say so or not. His message, his words, his cries, his line, his path is the guiding direction for Islamic movements."

Rohani über die Freilassung der US-Botschaft-Geiseln nach 444 Tagen, 1981:
"A momentous event took place and the U.S. idol was smashed. A number of people opposed this and another lot said: The hostages should be set free without any question. I must say that we did not take the hostages in order to obtain money, but rather to neutralize the U.S. plot. They wished to hatch plots abroad in favor of the Shah, but we neutralized that. We resisted so much through the hostage-taking issue that the United States finally bowed before us." 

Rohani über mögliche iranische Angriffe auf US-Interessen weltweit, 1987:
"We would like to give our Moslem brothers the good news that if we are exposed to an attack, we will repay it two times over and will rub America’s nose in the sea, on top of destroying its economic  interests all over the world. To carry out such operations is not difficult for us."

Rohani rückblickend über die Salman Rushdie Todes-Fatwa und "westliche" Menschenrechte, 2009:
"About Salman Rushdie, it’s not a matter of the civil rights of a Western citizen...it’s not even about a single individual...it is a cultural war. ... Even if Salman Rushdie is killed, the fight won’t be over, but will only start from a different  point. So it’s not about whether we have freedom of political parties or women’s rights as they define  it. The war is a war of two cultures .…They believe this sentence is unacceptable. Our response is that the fatwa is a religious decree and does not pertain specifically to Imam Khomeini. All Islamic experts, clerics, and scholars, both Shia and Sunni, are of the same opinion concerning an apostate who insults the Prophet. We as a government have not issued an order to assassinate this person, so it cannot be said that we have broken international laws, but we say this is the duty of Muslims. And this duty is determined by God, and this is not only Iran’s view but all Muslim scholars have also asserted this fatwa."

Rohani nach der Niederschlagung von Studenten-Protesten über westliche Verschwörung, 1999:
"... the enemy launched an onslaught on the foundation stone of the Revolution’s patriarchal structure. It broke the grace and sanctity of our Revolutionary values. It attacked the foundation of the System and particularly the most essential pillar of the Revolution, that is, the sacred sanctity of velayat-e faqih. The enemy wanted to pave the way for its future conspiracies.… Offending the status of velayat-e faqih is tantamount to offending the entire nation, is tantamount to offending Iran, is tantamount to offending all Muslims, and is tantamount to offending all freedom-seekers whose hearts beat in support of Iran as the motherland of the Islamic world. The onslaught on our sanctities is, therefore, an intolerable matter to our people and to the supporters of our Revolution all over the world."

Rohani über die Unterscheidung zwischen Pressefreiheit und Chaos nach der Schließung diverser Zeitungen, 2002:
"People are completely free to express their thoughts. Of course, there are laws and rules in every country. There is a court, and if anyone disobeys the law, then it is the law that deals with that person. What is important is that the courts act within the framework of the law. It is possible that some newspapers or magazine publishers go against the law, and it would be dealt with, but that does not mean that there is no freedom or democracy in this country. If we don’t abide by the law, it would be a shambles. We have to distinguish between freedom and shambles.… Read these newspapers and see with what freedom they express their opinions. Officials are being criticized; government is being criticized.…"

Rohani verteidigt Terroranschäge auf israelische Kinder in einem ABC Interview, 2002
Question: Dr. Rohani, you said that the Palestinians can use any action to fight Israeli occupation, yes?
Rohani: We believe that the Palestinians, to regain their country and their freedom and to kick out their occupier, have the right to fight with Israel.
Question: Any right?
Rohani: Palestinians have to try, if it is possible, not to hurt non-combatants.
Question: But let me ask you directly, when someone walks into a restaurant, to a Passover Seder, and slaughters innocent families, is that a freedom fighter?
Rohani: What should they do? What is the Palestinians’ alternative? The Palestinians, whose children are being killed?
Question: So they should kill Israeli children?
Rohani: What is their alternative? You tell me what should these people do? If these people are blowing themselves to pieces before anything else, this means there remains no alternative.

Rohani lobt Hisbollah nach dem Krieg und kündigt weitere Eroberungen an, 2006:
"It was a great victory of Hezbollah. It was a glorious victory of the Islamic umma. God willing, it is the beginning of the next Muslim conquests (aghazi), and the subsequent failures of America and Israel."

Rohani gibt einen Einblick, warum er Wachstum und interantionale Verbindungen zum Sytemerhalt braucht, zu möglicht niedrigen Bedingungen, 2006:
"In today’s world one cannot say that a country does not in any way need help from the outside. It is not possible to abandon interaction with the outside world and say that we would not negotiate with foreigners under any circumstances.… Being skilled is all about being able to stand on one’s feet at the lowest cost.… We could easily sever relations with everyone. But that would impose very high costs on us.… We want an Iran that continues to grow and prosper; a country that is able to compete with others. If we fail to achieve growth and development as we advance then our authority will be called into question. No country achieves power and strength without growth and development."

Rohani lehnt nach Antritt der Reformregierung Khatamis Madleine Albrights Angebot der Versöhnung als interne Einmischung ab, 2000:
"On the whole, she has repeated the same old belligerent policies.… In general, I do not assess this speech as positive, and deem it as yet another interference by America in the internal affairs of Iran."

Rohani in seiner Wahlkampage zur Einhegung des Feindes USA, 2013:
"... we should be aware that we can have interactions even with the enemy in such a manner that the grade of its enmity would be decreased, secondly, its enmity would not be effective."

Rohani über eine islamistische Revolution in Saudi Arabien nach iranischem Vorbild, 1996:
"The most natural thing would be for there to be a revolution in Saudi Arabia because, as we saw in 1979 with the patience of the Iranian people, that of the Saudi people also has its limits. It is merely evolution."

Rohanis Sohn beging 1992 in London Selbstmord. Er schrieb seinem Vater zum Abschied:
"I hate your government, your lies, your corruption, your religion, your double acts and your hypocrisy. I am ashamed to live in such environment where I'm forced to lie to my friends each day, telling them that my father isn't part of all of this. Telling them my father loves this nation, whereas I believe this to be not true. It makes me sick seeing you, my father, kiss the hand of Khamenei,“ (YNET, 18.6.2013)